January 31, 1868: British Komenda natives reject Dutch takeover after Anglo-Dutch Agreement

Fort Komenda was a British fort on the Gold Coast, established between 1695 and 1698 at Komenda, in contemporary Ghana. The fort had a very peculiar architecture, as this four-bastioned structure was built around an earlier four-bastioned English trading post, built in 1633. The fort was built within cannon-shot distance to the Dutch Fort Vredenburgh. It was abandoned in 1816, after the abolition of slave trade.

The ruin of the fort was transferred to the Dutch as part of a large trade of forts between Britain and the Netherlands on January 31, 1868. When a Dutch navy ship entered the harbour of Komenda, however, the local population resisted the transfer of the fort to the Dutch. Through the use of force, Dutch rule was eventually established. Between December 1869 and January 1870, a military expedition was sent to the local capital of Kwassie-Krom. A deadly battle ensued, but the Dutch managed to emerge as victors. It was a Pyrrhic victory, however, as the ongoing problems with the local population meant that on 6 April 1872, the entire Dutch Gold Coast, was again transferred to the United Kingdom, as per the Gold Coast treaty of 1871.

digitalgallery.nypl.org, Public Domain, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=18881346

January 29, 1968: Elections and Public Offices Disqualification Decree

The National Liberation Council (NLC) transition to civilian rule program, took the familiar Nigerian route, starting up with the creation of the Constitutional Commission, the Constituent Assembly, lifting the ban on politics, electioneering campaigns, elections and the final handing over of power to a civilian government.

To ensure that the old guard, especially those of the former regime, were prevented from participating in the electoral process, a highly controversial Election and Public Offices Disqualification Decree was published on January 29th, 1968. This effectively barred certain members of the Convention Peoples Party (CPP) from holding office for 10 years.
There was an initial comprehensive ban on CPP activists and employees by Decree No.223, even though those affected could appeal to the Exemption Commission. This ban principally barred affected individuals from being eligible for the Constituent Assembly and the National Assembly. The decree was eventually replaced with a new one following public reactions and outcry. The NLC was inconsistent in the banning of former CPP activists and as some of them appealed to the Exemptions Commission with their cases is still pending, the NLC came out with yet another decree disqualifying 150 former CPP officials for a ten-year period. This was a prelude to the inauguration of the new Constitutional Commission which was established comprising 18 outstanding Ghanaian citizens chaired by Chief Justice Akuffo-Addo. The draft document was a combination of the Whitehall and Washington models, with a very strong emphasis in favor of fundamental freedoms and civil rights. Ironically, the civil rights of a large portion of the political spectrum had been clearly violated in the run-up to the new civilian administration.

January 28, 1927, Achimota (Prince of Wales) College opened

After the First World War, J.K. and the Government of the Gold Coast felt the need for advanced education in the colony. As Guggisberg put it, "In spite of the existence of one or two educational institutions of a secondary nature, the intellectual gap between the African who had completed his education at an English University and the semi-educated African of our primary school is dangerously wide. No one is more ready than I to sympathize with the legitimate aspirations of the African for advancement and for a greater share in the Government of this country, but if we are to help him to do this, if we are to protect the masses from the hasty and ill-conceived schemes of possible local demagogues, we must hasten as rapidly as our means will allow to fill up the gap between the two classes.

Achimota College was therefore established as part of Guggisberg's plan to reform the Gold Coast educational system. In August 1920, Guggisberg met and befriended native-born Dr. James Aggrey who was in the Gold Coast as a member of the Phelps Stokes Fund's African Education Commission. In 1922, as a result of the Phelps-Stokes Commission's 1920 report on education, Guggisberg appointed a committee to review its recommendations for Gold Coast education reform. That committee recommended the establishment of a comprehensive institution at Achimota to provide general secondary education, teacher training and technical education for male students. Achimota College was then conceived, thanks to the effort and support of Chiefs such as Nene Sir Emmanuel Mate Kole, Konor of Manya Krobo; Nana Sir Ofori Atta, Omanhene of Akyem Abuakwa and Nana Amonoo V, Omanhene of Anomabo, as well as prominent statesmen of the time such as the Hon. Dr. Benjamin W. Quartey Quaye Papafio, the Hon. F. V. Nanka-Bruce, both of Accra; the Hon. Thomas Hutton-Mills, Sr. of Accra, the Hon. E. J. P. Brown of Cape Coast, and the Hon. J. E. Casely-Hayford of Sekondi.

The Colonial government meant to carry out its policy to establish an excellent secondary institution where teachers as well as students would be trained. The Legislative Council went on to approve the 1923–24 budget for the establishment of the Prince of Wales College and School, and in March 1924, Guggisberg laid the foundation stone. Rev. Alexander G. Fraser was the first Principal (1924–1935), and Dr. James Aggrey was the first Vice-Principal (1924–1927). Fraser had previously been Principal of Trinity College, Kandy, an elite school in Ceylon, now Sri Lanka, and was hailed as the greatest colonial headmaster of his day by the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Aggrey campaigned vigorously for women's education at a time when the idea was not popular, and held the belief that to educate a man was to educate an individual, while educating a woman had more far-reaching benefits to family and community. This led to an increase in the number of places offered to girls by the College.

From 1924 until it opened on 28 January 1927, Guggisberg, Fraser and Aggrey worked together to realise Guggisberg's dream of establishing a first-class co-educational school and college. The University College of the Gold Coast, which is now known as the University of Ghana, had its roots in Achimota College. The University of Ghana holds its annual Aggrey-Fraser-Guggisberg Memorial Lecture series to honour the founders' contributions to education in Ghana. The Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST) also had its roots in Achimota College's Engineering School.

January 26, 1968: The Draft Constitution for the 2nd Republic presented

The National Liberation Council (NLC) government appointed a representative assembly to draft a constitution for the Second Republic of Ghana. The constitutional commission was headed by Justice Edward Akuffo-Addo, whose commission presented draft proposals for the new constitution on January 26, 1968. Political party activity was allowed to commence with the opening of the assembly. By election time in August 1969, the first competitive nationwide political contest since 1956, five parties had been organized. The assembly produced a document providing for a parliamentary republic with a president as head of state and a prime minister as head of government. Largely in response to Nkrumah's authoritarian excesses, the president's powers were greatly reduced, to a point almost entirely ceremonial. Real power rested with the prime minister and cabinet.

January 26, 1948: Chief Nii Kwabena Bonne II leads boycott of European goods

In 1948, Gold Coast was a British colony in West Africa; the people had no say in political or economic life. During World War II, large trading companies increased prices on scarce items to maintain profits. After the war ended, the high prices and shortages continued to persist.

In 1947, Chief Nii Kwabena Bonne formed the Anti-Inflation Campaign Committee in Accra in response to the inflated retail prices on goods imported in Ghana by European firms. In December of the same year, Nii Bonne sent a letter to the Chamber of Commerce in Accra outlining the position of the Anti-Inflation Campaign Committee: the prices on imported European goods were too high, which in turn made the cost of living nearly unmanageable. Nii Bonne and the Anti-Inflation Campaign Committee demanded that the European firms lower the prices of goods, especially cotton textile items.

Nii Bonne directed this letter to the United Africa Company (UAC), a subsidiary of the Anglo-Dutch multinational Unilever, in particular. Nii Bonne also included a date by which time a letter of response was to be received: 24 January 1948. If the European firms failed to send a response by that day, the Ghanaians would strike.

During the time the Anti-Inflation Campaign Committee was waiting for a response, Nii Bonne toured the country to explain his plan to boycott European goods to the chiefs and people of other towns and cities throughout Ghana. Nii Bonne’s plan received widespread support. The chiefs of Manya Krobo, Suhum, Akim Oda, Cape Coast, Sekondi, Tarkwa, and Axim either gave their support or pledged to join the boycott.

By the day the ultimatum was to expire, there still had been no response by the Chamber of Commerce or the UAC. The UAC had not considered Nii Bonne’s letter or the matter to be serious, as the company did not believe that the Africans could unite. The company believed that the Africans did not understand the value of money well enough to carry out a cohesive plan successfully. Nii Bonne’s letter had never even been forwarded to the UAC head office in London.

As was the plan, the boycott began on 26 January 1948. The products boycotted by the Ghanaians included cotton prints, tinned meat, and flour biscuits. Although the main items boycotted were European imported goods, goods from other foreign-owned stores, such as Indian and Lebanese products, were also boycotted. The boycotters were guided by the slogan “We cannot buy; your prices are too high. If you don’t cut down your prices then close down your stores; and take away your goods to your own country.”

The economic boycott was very successful as it resulted in the closure of many shops. On 11 February 1948, the Colonial government, which had originally declared that it would not interfere, as it was a trade dispute between the people and the foreign traders, was forced to arrange a series of meetings between the Chamber of Commerce in Accra and the Anti-Inflation Campaign Committee as well as the other chiefs who had joined in the boycott.

Tensions flared during the time the meetings were held, and on 17 February a crowd demonstrated in front of the magistrate’s court during the trial of a chief charged with imposing fines on non-boycotters.

On 20 February, an agreement was reached as some of the foreign firms assented to reducing their overall profit margin from 75 to 50 per cent. The Government announced over the radio that, as a result of the negotiations between the Chamber of Commerce and the Anti-Inflation Campaign Committee, prices on some imported goods would be reduced and the boycott would end on 28 February.

Although many boycotters, and other non-boycotting Ghanaians, rejoiced over this feat, they were disappointed when the prices were not reduced as much as they had anticipated. The boycotters and other Ghanaians had taken the 75 to 50 per cent reduction as meaning a 50 percent decrease in prices, but in fact it had referred to overall profit margins. Therefore, in reality the prices on imported goods changed very little, and as a result the change in the cost of living was negligible.

This campaign to boycott European goods and lower the cost of living in Ghana became part of the preparation for the 1949-51 campaign for independence. On the last day of the boycott, African ex-servicemen began a march from Accra to the British governor to present him with a petition, but were stopped by police. This led to rioting by Ghanaians in response to police brutality, which Nkrumah of the United Gold Coast Convention used to demonstrate the readiness of Ghanaians for independence. Nkrumah and members of the Convention People’s Party, which Nkrumah formed, then began to campaign for Ghana’s independence from British rule.

Apart from his campaign and successful organization of boycotting European goods, Nii Bonnie was a pathfinder who also pioneered a number of ventures which proved very beneficial to the country.
At the time of Europe’s great Depression in 1931, he successfully campaigned throughout the Colony for reduction in prices of foodstuffs, peace and tranquility reigned among the people, though there was the general anxiety of total destruction of the cocoa industry through the scourge of the swollen shoot disease. Consequently, during that period, the colonialists dubbed the Gold Coast Colony the Ideal Colony.

In February 1925, he became the first Gold Coaster to earn the British Royal Couple’s invitation to tour the Buckingham Palace.
In 1946, he hosted the Asantehene, Sir Osei Agyeman Prempeh II, and his 500-strong retinue at his residence, the Royal Castle and its precincts when they were in Accra at the invitation of the Colonial Governor for the inauguration of the 1946 Constitution.
One major outcome of his successful boycott of European imports the dismissal of some brilliant students from government high schools. The executive/steering committee of the UGCC broached the need for the establishment of alternative high schools for dismissed student supporters of the Nii Kwabena Bonnie-led riotous boycott of European merchants and traders. This led to the founding of Ghana National College, later adopted by Osagyefo Dr Kwame Nkrumah and became his legacy to date.
When Nii Kwabena Bonnie III died in the 1971 once a long meritorious service to Ghana, the great Ghanaian politician of Yoruba origin and the Speaker of Parliament from 1958 to 1960, His Excellency, Mr. A. M. Akiwumi eulogized him saying “He was a champion of the under-dogs and a good citizen who never liked anybody to take mean advantage of another. His spirit of nationalism and patriotism moved him to organize the famous 1948 boycott of imported goods, especially textile. In this enterprise, he awoke the entire nation at his own initiative. He challenged the scandalous advantage that was being taken by the commercial firms for selling these articles at extortionate prices Single handedly, he aroused the entire nation to realize their plight. The response to his call was spontaneous. The whole country boycotted imported goods and refused to buy unless the prices were reduced. This incident was one of the sparks which lit the torch of nationalism, which eventually culminated in the granting of independence to the Gold Coast, now Ghana, by the British Government. He played such important part in our nationwide activities to merit him a worthy place in the new history of Ghana. He was a real son of Africa and his passing was a great loss to our nation."

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January 24, 1824: Osei Yaw Akoto becomes King of Ashanti

Osei Tutu Kwamina Asibe Bonsu ascended to the Golden Stool in 1800 and presided over the most sustained expansion of the Asante Empire during his reign until his death on January 21, 1824, the same day that his army killed Governor Sir Charles McCarthy of the Gold Coast at the Battle of Nsamankow.

He was succeeded by his younger brother Osei Yaw Akotoo on January 24, 1824. In the short period of months, on June 21st 1824 his army came within 5 miles of Cape Coast which caused great fear among the Fantis and their allies the British. By early August 1824, he was leading his army in what was to be known as the Battle of Dodowa, where both he and his heir apparent Kwaku Dua were injured on the battlefield.

On January 23, 1856: Cape Coast erupted in riots over chieftancy succession

Prior to the year 1856, the succession to the stool of Cape Coast (Oguaa) was patrilineal, that is, from father to son of a previous ruler. Egyir Ansah, Chief of Cape Coast, was succeeded from the male line by Burupu. Upon his death, he was also succeeded from the male line by Kofi Amissa.

He quickly developed a reputation as a cruel leader. As a result, a bloody riot or revolution took place on Wednesday, 23rd January 1856 involving two factions, Chief Kofi Amissa supported by No. 4 Asafo Company on one side and the other Asafo Companies on the other side. Chief Kofi Amissa and his allies were defeated and he was destooled on the 28th January, 1856. This event resulted the institution of the great Oath “Oguaa Wukudaa” since it occurred on a Wednesday.

In March 1856, the Oman and the Asafo Companies (the King Makers) as the victors of the upheaval, discontinued the patrilineal ascension to the stool. A change to matrilineal succession, in conformity with general Akan norms was instituted and the Birempong Kojo Ebiradzie Family (stool) was adopted the new Royal Stool of Cape Coast. Kweku Atta who was then, the Head of Birempong Kojo Ebiradze Family, Fikessim, Cape Coast, was the first Chief of Cape Coast from matrilineal line on the 12th March, 1856.

After the death of Omanhen Kweku Atta on the 20th February, 1856, he was succeeded by Kweku Enu, who enstooled on March 16, 1856 as the Second Omanhen from the matrilineal line. He died on 3rd February 1868. Upon his the death, he was succeeded by Omanhen Kwesi Atta, who also died in January, 1887. This is how matrilineal succession was restored to the Cape Coast Royal House.

January 22, 1966: The Volta River Hydro-electric Project is inaugurated

 

In concluding his speech to the national assembly on the Hydro project on March 25, 1963, Kwame Nkrumah said:

……”I would like to urge the Members of the National Assembly to visit the Dam site at Akosombo from time to time and to persuade their constituents and friends here and abroad to come and see this gigantic dream come true. It is indeed an inspiring experience to visit the Dam site and imbibe the message of hope and growth it conveys for our Nation. Major projects such as the Volta are the new "places of Pilgrimage" in this modern Age of Science and Technology. They serve as monuments to the determination and dedication of a whole people to raise themselves to a fuller and richer life. In this noble endeavour, we welcome foreign Capital — institutional or Private-from all sources, provided it is offered without strings and it is attracted to this country not merely by the economic viability of projects but especially by a spirit of true partnership and a willingness to help to build up Ghana’s prosperity and the welfare of its people on enduring foundations”

The project was inaugurated by the president on January 22, 1966. His full speech follows:

http://www.vra.com/kmportal/learning/non-tech/Inauguration%20of%20Volta%20river%20Authority.pdf

January 22, 1952: Kumasi College of Technology is established

One narrative of the vision of higher education in Ashanti credits  Asantehene Agyeman Prempeh II, upon ascending to the Golden Stool in 1935, continued with the vision of his predecessor to establish a university in Kumasi. Events in the Gold Coast in the 1940s played into his hands. First there was the establishment of the University College of the Gold Coast. Second there were the 1948 riots and the consequent Watson Commission report which recommended that a university of sciences be established in Kumasi. Thus, in 1949, the dream of the Prempeh’s became a reality when building started on what was to be called the Kumasi College of Technology.

The Kumasi College of Technology offered admission to its first students to the engineering faculty in 1951 (they entered in 1952), and an Act of Parliament gave the university its legal basis as the Kumasi College of Technology on January 22, 1952. The nucleus of the college was formed from 200 teacher training students transferred from Achimota in the Greater Accra Region. The college was affiliated to the University of London. In 1961, the college was granted full university status.

In December 1960, the Government of Ghana appointed a University Commission to advise it on the development of university education, in connection with the proposal to transform the University College of Ghana and the Kumasi College of Technology into an independent University of Ghana. Following the report of the commission, with Kojo Botsio as Chairman and E. A. Ulzen as secretary, which came out early 1961, the government decided to establish two independent universities in Kumasi and Legon, Accra. The Kumasi College of Technology was thus transformed, under the supervision of R. P. Baffour the first Vice-Chancellor, into a full-fledged University Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology by an Act of Parliament on 22 August 1961. The name honors Kwame Nkrumah, the first prime minister and later president of Ghana.

January 21, 1950: Kwame Nkrumah arrested as CPP banned by colonial government

After “Positive Action” was launched by Kwame Nkrumah, a state of emergency was declared by the colonial government on 11 January 1950. All meetings were banned, CPP organs were suspended or closed and leaders were arrested. Nkrumah was arrested on 21 January 1950, convicted and sentenced to three years’ imprisonment. On appeal, the High Court reaffirmed the judgments of the magistrate’s court. While Nkrumah and other leaders were in prison, the CPP continued to function, benefitting from the momentum which the demand for “self-government now" had generated among the people. The party emerged victorious in both the municipal and general elections of February 1951.

January 21, 1824: British Governor, Sir Charles McCarthy killed at Bonsaso

During the 18th century, the Ashanti became the ascendant nation in the region of the Volta River, or modern day Ghana and extending west into present day Ivory Coast. Access to the coast and control of coastal trade was a source of continued conflict with the Fanti city states along the coast. Eventually the Ashantis became so powerful that they raided coastal towns and forts. At this point, the British needed to either protect the Fanti tribes with whom they traded from being massacred and enslaved by the Ashanti, or leave them to their fate. There was added pressure to effectively end the slave trade, which was a large source of revenue for Ashanti who had an extremely large prisoner of war population, which was now overwhelming the local population in the capital, Kumasi.

The British vacillated for years on the best course of action and eventually stumbled into the First Ashanti War in 1823.

In 1824, the British, led by Charles McCarthy, were squaring up for a dreadful conflict with the Ashanti. McCarthy, with some arrogance or bad military intelligence, led his army of barely 600 men against perhaps 10,000 Ashanti warriors and their king, Osei Tutu Kwadwo. (The exact numbers are very hard to pin down.)

McCarthy's planning was bad and therefore so was his logistical supply in mostly swamp and jungle conditions with seemingly ceaseless downpours. Little wonder that his men were demoralized and exhausted. Moreover, after the first skirmish the British had all but run out of ammunition.

So confident was the king of the Ashantis that he prophesized that soon he would defeat the British and that McCarthy's jawbones would be used as drumsticks and his skull as a loving cup. As the Ashanti advanced, Sir Charles ordered his band to strike up with God Save the Queen.

The closer the Ashanti got, the quicker McCarthy's Fantis deserted him. When the British guns were silent the Ashanti held back thinking the silence was a British ploy. But then it dawned. The British had run out of musket balls and powder. As one of the few survivors reported "our gallant little force still defended themselves with their bayonets until they were completely over-powered by the myriads who instantly beheaded nearly every one of those who unfortunately fell into their remorseless hands". McCarthy was killed on January 21, 1824 at what came to be known as the Battle of Nsamankow, near present day Bonsaso. The Ashanti's famously used the governor's skull and those of others as drinking cups, which did not endear them to the British.

It was not until 1831 that a treaty was signed to define the boundaries of the Ashanti kingdom and the authority of the British territorial claim in the Gold Coast.

January 21, 1482: The foundation stone is laid for the construction of St. George's (Elmina) Castle

The experience of the Portuguese along the coast of West Africa involved an initial period of activity north of modern day Senegal in the early fourteen hundreds, where the Portuguese sought to continue their experiences in Morocco and frequently raided the African coast. After repeated confrontations with African counterattacks, the Portuguese switched policy and began to attempt to follow some African trading customs. By the late 1460s, the Portuguese had established several island bases of settlement by force on the Cape Verde islands and Araguim, near today’s Senegal.

However, establishing settlements on mainland Africa first required dialogue with coastal rulers. The voyages of the Portuguese in the 1460s and early 1470s represented a turning point in their approach, as they sought to establish friendly trading contacts with the coastal rulers. The history of the fortress of São Jorge da Mina (later called simply Elmina) offers a prime example. In 1481 Dom Diogo D’Azambuja was appointed by John II as captain of a fleet consisting of nine caravels and two ships with 600 soldiers and 100 masons and carpenters. They were sent, along with the necessary stone and other materials, to construct a fortress called São Jorge da Mina at the Gulf of Guinea. This became the best-known exploit of his long life. Portuguese settlers on the coast of today’s Ghana sought permission to build a fortress to monopolize the lucrative gold trade. On January 20, 1482, Diogo D’Azambuja went ashore to meet with the local ruler, Kwamina Ansa [known as Caramança in Portuguese records] to get his permission. Their famous meeting was related by royal chroniclers Ruy da Pina and his successor João de Barros, as well as contemporaries such as Pacheco Perreira, and it is widely quoted in studies of Ghana’s coast. Although some details vary, the essence remains the same. According to Barros, writing a half century after the foundation of São Jorge da Mina, the Portuguese under Captain Diogo de Azambuja and his men were received well: “When Caramança was among our people, he went to meet him and Caramança took the hand of Diogo de Azambuja, and letting it go again said “bere, bere”, which means ‘peace, ‘peace.’” Although surprised by the Portuguese request to live on his shores, Kwamina Ansa eventually agreed to grant permission to build a fort: “He would be pleased to permit him to build the house as he wished, warning him that peace in truth must be kept, for should our men act otherwise they would cause more harm to themselves than to him, because the land was great and he and his men could build another abode there with a thatch and timber, of which they had plenty.”

The foundation stone for the construction of St. George’s Castle was laid on January 21, 1482. Initial Portuguese attempts to keep the peace failed rather dramatically when they inadvertently chose the site of the most holy shrine in the area for construction of their fort, and were attacked by the local militia, but later relations were more stable. The decisions of rulers such as Kwamina Ansa, who allowed the Portuguese to establish a fort provided they followed Fante trading customs, gave frequent tribute and advantageous trading terms, demonstrated an astute combination of economic motives and political control. At this time the Fante occupied many autonomous states along the central part of modern Ghana’s coast. These states had a common culture and language but remained politically independent. Leaders would cooperate in times of crisis or to regulate advantageous trade. Most of the people were traders and farmers, uniquely situated on the coast between two valuable commodities, salt and inland sources of gold.

Thus, these states soon expanded in influence due to their lucrative role as trade middlemen. The Fante mostly sought trading relationships with the arriving Europeans (over more elaborate political alliances) and permitted them to construct costal forts. Their relationship was unique in that it continued on good terms well into the eighteen hundreds, without the Europeans gaining territorial control or local Fante rulers deciding to break ties. The Europeans were unable to penetrate the interior to discover the sources of gold, and thus had to trade for it on Fante terms. As the number of European traders grew to include the Dutch, Spanish, British, French, and briefly the Prussians, the Fante became adept at refusing various monopolies aimed at controlling trade terms to their advantage. This strategy allowed the Fante both to increase their own trade profits and also to maintain their political leverage through these encounters. The coastal Fante case is illustrative of some of the trading politics of other coastal African states. However, when the Portuguese encountered the kingdoms of Benin, the Kongo, or later Ethiopia, their relationships with these more centralized kingdoms were more elaborate and entailed more than mutually profitable trade.

Sources include:

AMBASSADORS, EXPLORERS, AND ALLIES: A STUDY OF AFRICAN-EUROPEAN DIPLOMATIC RELATIONSHIPS, 1400-1600 by Andrea Felber Seligman 2007

Accounts by Pino (1482)  and Barros (1552) of the first meeting between Azambuja and Kwamina Ansa

January 17, 1896: Sir Francis Scott enters Kumasi with British and West Indian troops

The Fourth Anglo-Asante War was a brief war, from 1894. The Asante turned down an unofficial offer to become a British protectorate in 1891, extending to 1894. Wanting to keep French and German forces out of Asante territory (and its gold), the British were anxious to conquer Asanteman once and for all. The war started on the pretext of failure to pay the fines levied on the Asante monarch by the Treaty of Fomena after the 1874 war. The other pretext for the Anglo-Asante wars was the British claim that these were anti-slavery wars.

Sir Francis Scott left Cape Coast with the main expedition force of British and West Indian troops in December 1895, and arrived in Kumasi in on January 17, 1896. The Asantehene Prempeh I directed the Asante not to resist. Soon Governor William Maxwell arrived in Kumasi as well. Robert Baden-Powell led a native levy of several local coastal and other allies in the campaign. Asantehene Agyeman Prempeh was arrested and deposed. He was forced to sign a treaty of protection and, with other Asante leaders, was sent into exile in the Seychelles.

The Ashanti Star was awarded to the British and colonial soldiers who took part in the campaign.

 

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January 17, 1997: Ghana's first woman minister, Mrs Susanna Al-Hassan passes away

Susan Alhassan, (nee Henkel, 27 November 1927 – 17 January 1997) was a Ghanaian author and politician, who in 1961 became Ghana's first female to be appointed minister. She was the first African woman to hold a cabinet portfolio and became the Member of Parliament for the then Northern Region parliamentary constituency between 1960 and 1966. She also wrote several children's books.

She was born in Tamale and educated at Achimota School. From 1955 to 1960 she was headmistress of Bolgatanga Girls' Middle School. A beneficiary of the 1960 Representation of the People’s (Women Members) Bill, Al-Hassan was returned unopposed as an MP representing the Northern Region in June 1960. She took on various ministerial positions, some of which lasted for short periods, whiles others were merged or expanded. From 1961 to 1963 she was Deputy Minister of Education in Nkrumah's republican government. From 1963 to 1966, and again in 1967, she was Minister of Social Affairs. In between that period in 1965, Nkrumah appointed her as Minister of Social Welfare and Community Development.

Al-Hassan died on 17 January 1997. She has a daughter named Selma who was a newscaster in the 1980s. In 2007 she was commemorated on a 50th anniversary stamp.

·        Her published works include the following: Issa and Amina, 1963

·        Asana and the magic calabash, Longman, 1963. Republished, 1998

·        Two tales, 1966

·        The river that became a lake : the building of the Volta Dam, 1979

·        The river that became a lake: The story of the Volta river project, 1979[12]

·        Voices of wisdom, 1994

·        The Role of Women in Politics in Ghana', Feminist Perspectives, Ottawa: MATCH International Centre, 1994, 9-18.

January 13, 1972: Lt. Col. Ignatius Kutu Acheampong overthrows Prof. Kofi Busia's government

On January 13, 1972, the military seized control of the government of Ghana for the second time under the leadership of Lieutenant Colonel I.K. Acheampong. The army justified its action by accusing the civilian government, headed by Kofi A. Busia, of having failed to resolve the various problems confronting the Ghanaian armed forces.

The origin of the army's disaffection lay in the 1971-72 austerity budget, according to which defense expenditures were judged too large for a country as small as Ghana. The subsequent reductions affected maintenance and materials. Reductions also increased the difficulties facing younger army officers. By the early 1970s, the lack of funds had forced the Ghana Military Academy to reduce the size of its annual class from about 120 to twenty-five cadets.

Many senior army officers had also complained that the 1966 coup had interrupted the normal promotion cycle. They maintained that officers who supported Kotoka received quicker promotions, whereas those whose loyalty was in question were held back. Ewe officers, who had been shunted aside since the end of the NLC regime, believed that Acheampong would restore an equitable ethnic balance to the officer corps. Lastly, the army objected to the Busia government's decision to broaden the army's mission to include such nonmilitary functions as engaging in anti-smuggling patrols, supporting anti-cholera drives, facilitating flood relief work, and participating in reconstruction work.

To rule Ghana, Acheampong established the National Redemption Council (NRC) of which he was chairman. Initially, the NRC consisted of six army officers and one civilian; however, Acheampong eventually broadened the NRC's membership to include officers from all the services. Newcomers included the air force and navy commanders and the inspector general of the police. Acheampong dropped the two lower-ranking army officers and the civilian member, E. N. Moore, the Attorney- General. The NRC assumed legislative and executive powers while the NRC chairman became head of state and commander in chief. The NRC chairman also was responsible for all NRC appointments and removals with the advice of not less than two-thirds of the NRC members. The NRC could remove the chairman by a unanimous decision.

The NRC appointed nine military officers who ranked from major to colonel to serve as regional commissioners. Customarily, these commissioners worked in their traditional homelands. The NRC and the regional commissioners constituted the Executive Council. The NRC and the Executive Council, which together included about thirty senior military officers, ruled Ghana. The NRC militarized Ghanaian society, moreover, by appointing senior military officers to positions in all major departments, regional bodies, state corporations, and public boards. Additionally, Acheampong wanted to change the constitution to end party politics and to create a union government composed of civilians, military personnel, and police. Such a system, Acheampong believed, would create national unity, end tribalism, and facilitate economic development.

The failure to achieve these goals and the 1975 decision to transform the NRC into the Supreme Military Council (SMC) marked the beginning of Acheampong's downfall. The government maintained that the SMC would restore the military hierarchy that the 1972 coup had destroyed. Over the next two years, the Acheampong regime gradually lost popular support because of growing corruption, economic problems, and clashes between the SMC and the general public, culminating in violent disturbances during the 1978 referendum on union government.

January 13, 1868: Exchange of Dutch possessions completed

Whereas the Dutch forts on the Gold Coast were a colonial backwater in the 19th century, the British forts were slowly developed into a full colony, especially after Britain took over the Danish Gold Coast in 1850. The presence of Dutch forts in an area that became increasingly influenced by the United Kingdom was deemed undesirable, and in the late 1850s British began pressing for either a buyout of the Dutch forts, or a trade of forts so as to produce more coherent areas of influence.

In the Dutch political landscape of the time, a buyout was not a possibility, so a trade of forts was negotiated. In 1867, the "Convention between Great Britain and the Netherlands for an Interchange of Territory on the Gold Coast of Africa" was signed, in which all Dutch forts to the east of Elmina were handed over to Britain, while the British forts west of Elmina were handed over to the Netherlands.

The trade proved a disaster for the Dutch, as their long-standing alliance with the Ashanti did not fare well with the population around the new forts assigned to them. Shortly after the transfer, the Dutch colonial minister secretly began negotiating a handover of all Dutch forts to Britain. In the Gold Coast Treaty of 1871, the whole colony was ceded to the United Kingdom for 46,939.62 Dutch guilders

The Dutch handed over:

                                British name                    Dutch name

Moree

Fort Nassau

Fort Nassau

Accra

Fort Ussher

Fort Crêvecoeur

Kormantin

Fort Cormantine

Fort Amsterdam

Senya Beraku

Fort Good Hope

Fort Goede Hoop

Apam

Fort Patience

Fort Lijdzaamheid

 

The British handed over:

                        Dutch name                British Name

Beyin

Fort Willem III

Fort Apollonia

Dixcove

Fort Metalen Kruis

Fort Dixcove

Komenda

Fort Komenda

Fort Komenda

Sekondi

Fort Sekondi

Fort Sekondi

 

January 11, 1963: A Special Court was established to hear cases on security threats to the state

A special court was set up to hear cases regarding threats to the security of the state. This court presided over by chief justice, Sir Arku Korsah, and two judges of the supreme court, W. B. Van Lare and Akufo Addo heard the trial of the Kulungugu bomb suspects in December 1963. 

Nkrumah also used the assassination attempt to strengthen further his political power by holding a referendum to make two amendments to the constitution. One was to give the president the power to dismiss judges for reasons that appeared sufficient, and the other was to de facto make Ghana a one-party state. According to the government, a 93 percent voter turnout in this controversial referendum overwhelmingly supported these changes. At this time, most opponents of the CPP had fled the country or were in detention. Officially, in 1963 there were 586 people in preventive detention.

On this very day, another bomb exploded at a CPP rally at the Accra Sports Stadium shortly after Nkrumah had left the scene. This explosion killed over twenty people and more than four hundred people were injured; among the victims were children of the Young Pioneer movement. This was the 4th bomb explosion between September 18, 1962 and this date.

January 8, 1964: JB Danquah re-arrested after Ametewee assassination attempt on Nkrumah

After Constable Ametewee’s failed assignation attempt of the president, security was heightened and all possible opponents of the president were under surveillance. The surveillance would yield another fruitful outcome when the Chief Security Officer authorized Danquah’s arrest and detention under the PDA on January 8, 1964, nearly two years after Nkrumah had pardoned him. His arrest came against the backdrop of his alleged participation in Seth Ametewee’s aborted assassination attempt on Nkrumah on January 2, 1964. Danquah was allegedly found to possess his own signed hand-written speech which he intended for broadcast in the wake of the success of the Seth Ametewee’s attempted assassination on Nkrumah. Dr. M.N. Tetteh makes it clear that Danquah and other traitors were detained “after the Chief Security Officer had made sure that adequate reasons were given to justify’ their detention, and that such people “were detained before Nkrumah could be informed of their detention”.

It also became clear upon investigation that, according to the testimony of two members of the police band, a leading Opposition politician in the country persuaded them to shoot Nkrumah as he “approached the band to congratulate them after their performance” at Flagstaff House (see June Milne’s “Forward Ever” and the “Exemption Committee Report”). It also became clear later that the co-conspirators of the assassination plot including some top police officers, strangled one of their own whom they had suspected of making attempts to expose them. To cover their misdeeds however, they alleged that their strangled colleague had committed suicide by throwing himself via a third-floor window onto the ground, a window with iron rods that the body of a baby will have a hard time going through. The leading Opposition politician in question in the country at the time was Danquah, since all the other Opposition members were outside the country plotting with foreign security services to overthrow Nkrumah and destabilize the country, were in detention under the PDA for various crimes against the state, or were on board with Nkrumah and the CPP government building and developing the country. 

After Nkrumah was overthrown the former Head of Special Branch of Ghana Police Service, Mr. John William Kofi Harlley., now vice-chairman of the National Liberation Council testified as follows on Wednesday, 17th May, 1967 at 11:15 a.m, when the Chairman asked: did you know the reason why he (J.B Danquah) was sent to prison? He answered in this manner:

“Two days after the second attempt on his life by the late Constable Ametewee, Kwame Nkrumah verbally asked me to be in charge of the interrogation unit at Burma Camp, investigating the attempt on Kwame Nkruamah’s life. When I arrived at Burma Camp I saw Dr. Danquah among those brought there for interrogation. After interrogating him (Dr. Danquah) I concluded that he was innocent of the incident, so I released him and duly reported it to the President. On the 8th January, 1964, I was made the Acting Commissioner of Police, and I learnt later on that Dr. Danquah had been arrested and sent to detention, where he remained till he died”.

 Danquah, just like his nemesis Nkrumah remains a polarizing figure in Ghana’s early political history, dogged by accusations of stoking industrial unrest, consorting with the CIA and being behind assassination attempts of the president.

 

January 8, 1950: Positive Action Day declared by Kwame Nkrumah

Nkrumah distinguished two stages in the campaign: first, the period of “positive action”, a combination of nonviolent methods with effective and disciplined political action, and second, the stage of “tactical action”, a sort of contest of wits. CPP organizers first prepared people around the country for the first stage of civil resistance, the positive action phase. The government responded by testing the strength of the organization and its tactics. Three CPP journalists and the secretary of the Ex-Servicemen Union (partner organization) were imprisoned on charges of sedition, but the bail was quickly raised and paid by CPP volunteers. Hoping to forestall the threatened positive action campaign, government officials agreed to a conference with CPP leaders, which began on January 5, 1950. The British asked Nkrumah to postpone positive action while they studied the proposals put forward by the CPP and announced on the radio that an agreement had been reached. The CPP reacted by breaking off the negotiations and on January 8, 1950, called a mass meeting, telling the participants that a nation-wide boycott of British goods and a general strike should begin at midnight that day. In his speech at that meeting, Nkrumah presented the main weapons of positive action as being legitimate political agitation, press and educational campaigns, and, as a last resort, the constitutional application of strikes, boycotts and noncooperation based on the principle of absolute nonviolence. The strike began at the set time.

The same day, Nkrumah travelled to other key cities – Cape Coast, Sekondi and Tarkwa – formally declaring the onset of positive action in each of them, while CPP organizers spread the word to other areas. The strike paralyzed the country. Nobody worked, transportation was brought to a standstill, however, essential services like water, electricity and medical care continued to work, as the nationalist leaders had agreed. Positive action continued for 21 days, despite threats of dismissal of workers from jobs, numerous warnings and curfews, and the full evocation of a state of emergency (called by the Governor).

Seeking to create division among the participants and put an end to the strike, the government broadcasted radio “updates” of the situation, telling people in each city that strikers in other regions had already gone back to work. To counteract the government manipulation, Nkrumah called another mass meeting on January 11th, where he spoke for two hours to a large crowd. At 7 PM the same day, the Governor imposed a strict curfew and a series of emergency measures (the state of emergency would last from January 11th to March 6, 1950): public meetings were forbidden, all Party letters were opened and censored, an anti-African pogrom was encouraged (with armed Syrian and European civilians enrolled as auxiliary police and allowed to terrorize and even kill peaceful citizens), the Party newspaper and two others were banned and their offices were raided by police and closed, the editors of the opposition publications were jailed, together with many CPP leaders, including Nkrumah. None resisted the arrests. Nkrumah had instructed the country to keep calm and make “no demonstrations of any kind”. Although incidental violence on the part of the British occurred (for instance, Nkrumah’s personal assistant and some of his companions were beaten), overall, they acted with restraint. One serious incident marred the campaign: on January 17th, ex-servicemen staged a march to Christiansborg. The marchers clashed with police forces sent to stop them and two policemen were killed. Nkrumah did not stop the campaign and, at his trial, disclaimed responsibility for this “unauthorized occurrence”. He and his colleague were convicted for “inciting others to take part in illegal activities” and received prison sentences from six months to two years.

Positive action was over, but the solidarity it had demonstrated was channeled to electoral activity. When elections for the town council took place in Accra, Cape Coast and Kumasi, the CPP won majorities in all three cities. In April 1950, Komla Agbeli Gbedemah, one of the jailed CPP leaders, was released from prison. He immediately took charge of the Party as chairman and organized it for the forthcoming general elections (in the process creating a strong network of party branches across the southern half of the colony), receiving directives smuggled out of prison from the other leaders. 

The elections were held in February 1951, less than a year after the positive action campaign, and the CPP swept the country, winning 35 out of 38 seats. The British then released the CPP leaders who had remained in prison; they became the center of public ceremonies organized by the Party to maintain the cult of martyrdom that had developed around its imprisoned leadership and, as “prison graduates”, were awarded diplomas and celebrated almost as heroes. They promptly occupied their government posts. The governmental structure contained all the defects that they had protested against, but under Nkrumah’s leadership, they were worked out as the Gold Coast moved rapidly towards full self-government and independence.

Sources: Swathmore College - Peace Collection